What then of the tasks of political leadership? However, some kind of faithmust always exist. In everydayeconomic life, only some wealth serves the purpose of making aman economically independent. There is honor and booty for the followers in war;for the demagogue's following, there are 'spoils'--that is,exploitation of the dominated through the monopolization ofoffice--and there are politically determined profits and premiumsof vanity. Devotion to the charisma of the prophet, or the leader in war,or to the great demagogue in the ecclesia or inparliament, means that the leader is personally recognized as theinnerly 'called' leader of men. Even that commitment to responsible government is under pressure in contemporary political culture. This is necessary right now, or else men will not be ableto attain even that which is possible today. A quite reckless and unreserved political idealism is found ifnot exclusively at least predominantly among those strata who byvirtue of their propertylessness stand entirely outside of thestrata who are interested in maintaining the economic order of agiven society.
Without this juristic rationalism, the rise of the absolutestate is just as little imaginable as is the Revolution. Where clubs are absent as is mostly the case , the quiteformless management of politics in normal times lies in the handsof the few people constantly interested in it. It has been successful in seeking to monopolize thelegitimate use of physical force as a means of domination withina territory. That hepersonally does not attain high federal offices, and does notwish to do so, has the frequent advantage that extra-partyintellects, thus notables, may come into candidacy when thebosses believe they will have great appeal value at the polls. By the Sermon on the Mount, we mean the absolute ethic of thegospel, which is a more serious matter than those who are fond ofquoting these commandments today believe.
This lecture, which I give at your request, will necessarilydisappoint you in a number of ways. By May, it was all over. To this end the state has combined the materialmeans of organization in the hands of its leaders, and it hasexpropriated all autonomous functionaries of estates who formerlycontrolled these means in their own right. Thiswas the time of the first flowering of the humanist schools andof the princely foundations of professorships for 'poetics. In addition to economicopportunities, for the useful caucus politician, there are theopportunities to satisfy his vanity.
The administration knewnothing of the professional civil servant-for-life, but thisamateur administration has long since been punctured by the CivilService Reform. Some of the papers were, without regard to party, precisely thenotoriously worst boulevard sheets; by dropping anonymity theystrove for and attained greater sales. For all administrative measures of a ministerialdepartment, and especially all decisions in matters of personnel,were made partly with a view to their influence upon electoralchances. They do so either as'entrepreneurs'--the American boss and the English election agentare, in fact, such entrepreneurs--or as officials with a fixedsalary. The same spirit prevailed inParliament. Without them, the specific mentality that inspired these radicalintellectuals and their projects would be quite inconceivable.
All states may be classified by whether the staff of men themselves owns the administrative means, or whether they are separated from it necessary. Then the nations would have questioned, what wasthis war for? Science as a Vocation German: Wissenschaft als Beruf is the text of a lecture given in 1917 at by and. If one wished to enter Parliament, what could oneachieve there? His account of bureaucracy as an essential feature of modern society has been highly influential. Foldvary is the author of , , and. Among us, too, an ardentlypromoted cult seeks to glorify him.
In the beginning, whenparties began to organize, the members of the House ofRepresentatives claimed to be leaders, just as in England at thetime when notables ruled. In the citythe parties differed, partly according to economics, partlyaccording to religion, and partly simply according to the partyopinions handed down in the families. But now the question forhim is: Through what qualities can I hope to do justice to thispower however narrowly circumscribed it may be in the individualcase? Context German sociologist and economist Max Weber 1864-1920 published his most famous work, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, in 1904-1905. As a political theorist and commentator, Weber articulated a deep suspicion of public bureaucracies, and the weight he placed on political leadership flowed from his concern to rein in and exert control over officialdom. But todaywe cannot deal with the highly complex variants, transitions, andcombinations of these pure types, which problems belong to'political science.
What did Weber mean by his remark? In the main, it is verydifficult for the entrepreneur to be represented in hisenterprise by someone else, even temporarily. In times of unrest the petty bourgeoisieraised its voice, and once in a while the proletariat, if leadersarose who, however, as a rule did not stem from their midst. It was very hard to find liberals who were prepared to cooperate with Weber, so the plan failed. The previous November, as strikes and militant demonstrations spread across Germany at the end of the First World War, the Marxist journalist Kurt Eisner led a revolution which toppled the Bavarian monarchy and put a socialist republic in its place. In Weberian terms, they are locked in a new iron cage. Although, or rather just because,power is the unavoidable means, and striving for power is one ofthe driving forces of all politics, there is no more harmfuldistortion of political force than the parvenu-like braggart withpower, and the vain self-reflection in the feeling of power, andin general every worship of power per se. Otherwise, it is absolutely true that thecurse of the creature's worthlessness overshadows even theexternally strongest political successes.
The fear of losing them is the final anddecisive basis for solidarity between the executive staff and thepower-holder. Weber thought that this process of universalising the suffrage and replacing the political elites of the 19thcentury with new cadres drawn from mass political parties was inevitable and irreversible. A teacher may also be a homeowner, a parent, a voter, and a tennis player, but these other roles are set aside in analyzing the role purely as a teacher. They seek profits solely throughpolitical control, especially of the municipal government, whichis the most important object of booty. Only thePresident of the Reich could become the safety-valve of thedemand for leadership if he were elected in a plebiscitarian wayand not by Parliament. These machines, too, depend on charismatic leaders.
In some communities, where moderndevelopment first took place, the party machine was in the makingeven before the eighteen-twenties. Let us confidently take the present as anexample. In this sense, they arepoliticians of low moral standing, such as we unfortunately havehad again and again in leading positions. He works with the striving for power as anunavoidable means. But, also, auctioning offices on financial bids often occurs andthere are certain rates for individual offices; hence, a systemof selling offices exists which, after all, has often been knownalso to the monarchies, the church-state included, of theseventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Then, I wish I couldsee what has become of those of you who now feel yourselves to begenuinely 'principled' politicians and who share in theintoxication signified by this revolution. Onesees that it is by no means a modern disbelief born from the heroworship of the Renaissance which poses the problem of politicalethics.